FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
SITTING AS THE COURT OF DISPUTED RETURNS PURSUANT TO SECTION 354(1) OF THE COMMONWEALTH ELECTORAL ACT 1918 (CTH).
Garbett v Liu [2019] FCAFC 241
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- AGLC
- Garbett v Liu [2019] FCAFC 241
- Case
- [2019] FCAFC 241
- Decision Date
CaseChat Overview and Summary
The Court examined the meaning of the phrase "likely to mislead or deceive" within the context of Section 329(1) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth). The Court held that the provision was concerned with the recording or expression of an elector's political judgment rather than the formation of that judgment. This interpretation was consistent with the importance of protecting the expression of choice by electors. The Court concluded that while the corflutes were likely to have misled some voters, particularly those who could read Chinese and were influenced by their proximity to AEC signage, the number of affected voters was likely to be very small. Consequently, the Court found that the election results for Ms. Liu and Mr. Frydenberg were not likely to be affected by the illegal practices.
The Court dismissed the petition but allowed Mr. Simon Frost, who was involved in the distribution of the corflutes, to file submissions regarding the notification of the High Court about the illegal practices. Additionally, the Court directed the parties to submit written costs submissions.
Orders
Orders of the court
1. Subject to orders 2 and 3 below, the petition be dismissed.
2. Mr Simon Frost have leave to file and serve on or before 7 February 2020 any submissions as to why the Court should not direct the Chief Executive and Principal Registrar of the Federal Court of Australia to inform the Chief Executive and Principal Registrar of the High Court of Australia of the finding of the committal of an illegal practice under s 329(1) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) by Mr Frost at least in respect of the characterisation of the corflutes as discussed in [153] in the reasons published today in order that there be compliance with s 363 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act.
3. On or before 7 February 2020, the parties file written submissions on costs of no more than 3 pages.
Note: Entry of orders is dealt with in Rule 39.32 of the Federal Court Rules 2011.
ORDERS
1. Subject to orders 2 and 3 below, the petition be dismissed.
2. Mr Simon Frost have leave to file and serve on or before 7 February 2020 any submissions as to why the Court should not direct the Chief Executive and Principal Registrar of the Federal Court of Australia to inform the Chief Executive and Principal Registrar of the High Court of Australia of the finding of the committal of an illegal practice under s 329(1) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Cth) by Mr Frost at least in respect of the characterisation of the corflutes as discussed in [153] in the reasons published today in order that there be compliance with s 363 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act.
3. On or before 7 February 2020, the parties file written submissions on costs of no more than 3 pages.
Note: Entry of orders is dealt with in Rule 39.32 of the Federal Court Rules 2011.
Background
Background to the litigation
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Evidence
Evidence Before The Court
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Decision
Reasons for decision
Ratio Decidendi
Legal Principle Established
There is also no basis to find either Ms Liu or Mr Frydenberg were accessorially liable for Mr Frost’s conduct, a submission briefly made by the applicant in their written submissions but not pursued at the hearing.The operation of s 362(3) Our conclusions concerning the contravention of s 329(1) by Mr Frost engage the power under s 360, including the power to declare a person who was returned as elected was not duly elected or declare an election void. Section 362(3) can be seen as regulating or confining that power: Hudson v Lee 115 ALR at 345, or as regulating or constraining the exercise of the power. The answer to the question whether the election of Ms Liu or Mr Frydenberg was likely to be affected begins with the margin of victory of each. Ms Liu won the two candidate preferred result by a margin of 1090 votes. Thus, for the result to have been affected in Chisholm it would need to be found that at least 546 electors who voted 1 for Ms Liu would not have so voted but would have voted 1 for Ms Yang or for another candidate and directed their preference to Ms Yang. Mr Frydenberg’s margin was 11,287 over Mr Burnside. Thus for the result to have been affected, a conclusion would be required that 5,644 electors voted for Mr Frydenberg who would not have so voted but would have voted for Mr Burnside or for another candidate and directed their preferences to Mr Burnside. What must be assessed is not what would have happened but whether the result was likely to be affected, that is that it has been shown that there was a real chance that the result was affected. The parties’ submissions pored over statistics from the census and from the counts of formal votes, including the formal Liberal Party first preferences cast at the booths in Chisholm and Kooyong. Any accurate assessment as to voting and the possible influence of the corflutes would require, as a first step, comprehensive evidence of the display of the corflutes in all relevant polling places. We have earlier made such findings as can be made in this regard (see [127]-[136]: that two versions were sent to each polling place in both Chisholm and Kooyong); and that they were displayed adjacent to AEC signage in at least 16 and probably more polling places in Chisholm and in at least 11 and probably more polling places in Kooyong. It is fruitless to attempt to be too precise. It is sufficient to find that there were a not insignificant number of electors who could read Chinese, that there were polling places where the context of the placement of the corflutes made them misleading, and that some people may well have felt that they should follow the direction on the corflute. But in our view, even if the display of the corflutes next to the AEC signage was far more widespread in both electorates than the evidence reveals, it could only have been a very small group of people who would have felt that they should follow the direction on the corflute. A number of factors lead us to that conclusion. First, away from the proximity to an AEC banner there was nothing misleading or deceptive. Secondly, electors are (subject to s 93(1)(b)(ii)) citizens, and over 18. It is very difficult (which is to understate the matter) to see Australians, whether of Chinese heritage or not, feeling compelled to vote for a candidate because they were instructed or encouraged to do so by the AEC. That said, the deliberateness of the attempt to make the sign look like an AEC sign by someone in Mr Frost’s position bespeaks a view of someone with experience in political campaigning that there was some advantage in doing so. The submissions of the first respondent that no one would have placed weight on the message as sourced from the AEC and that it would have been “scandalous and bizarre” for the AEC actually to have displayed the corflute, must contend with Mr Frost’s actual intention to make the corflute look like an AEC sign. The submission may assist if understood as one that few, if any, people would have been persuaded or felt directed to vote in a particular way by the corflute. The answer may be (though it does little credit to Mr Frost) that even a tiny handful of votes of the gullible or naïve or unintelligent might been important if it were to be a close election.