Burgess v Field HC Auckland CIV 2007-404-3206
[2007] NZHC 1944
•6 July 2007
For a Court ready (fee required) version please follow this link
IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND AUCKLAND REGISTRY
CIV 2007-404-3206
BETWEEN MALCOLM JAMES BURGESS Applicant
AND PHILLIP HANS FIELD Respondent
Hearing: 20 June 2007
Counsel: S J E Moore and D G Johnstone for Applicant
P E Dacre and S S Perese for Respondent
Judgment: 6 July 2007
JUDGMENT (NO 1) OF RANDERSON J – CRITERIA FOR THE APPLICATION
This judgment was delivered by me on 6 July 2007
at 12.15 pm, pursuant to r 540(4) of the High Court Rules
Registrar/Deputy Registrar
Solicitors: Crown Solicitors, PO Box 2213, Auckland
P E Dacre, PO Box 47963, Ponsonby, Auckland
BURGESS V FIELD HC AK CIV 2007-404-3206 6 July 2007
Introduction
[1] The respondent Mr Field is facing allegations of corruption and bribery in his capacity as a Member of Parliament. For some time the police have been investigating these allegations led by the applicant Mr Burgess, a Detective Superintendent based in Christchurch.
[2] As a result of the police investigation, Mr Burgess now seeks leave of this Court to prosecute Mr Field for alleged offences under s 103(1) Crimes Act 1961. The offences alleged are described in 15 draft informations attached to the application. Application for leave of a High Court Judge is required under s 103(3). Although s 103 has been in force for some 46 years, this is the first occasion when it has been invoked. So far as counsel and the Court are aware, no similar provision exists elsewhere in comparable Commonwealth countries.
[3] The purpose of this judgment is to define the criteria to be applied in assessing the application. This judgment does not deal with the merits of the application. Those will be dealt with at a subsequent hearing on a date yet to be confirmed.
The statutory framework
[4] Section 103 is one of a series of offences relating to corruption and bribery contained in Part 6 Crimes Act. Section 103 provides:
Corruption and bribery of member of Parliament
(1) Every member of Parliament is liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 7 years who corruptly accepts or obtains, or agrees or offers to accept or attempts to obtain, any bribe for himself or any other person in respect of any act done or omitted, or to be done or omitted, by him in his capacity as a member of Parliament.
(2) Every one is liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 7 years who corruptly gives or offers or agrees to give any bribe to any person with intent to influence any member of Parliament in respect of any act or omission by him in his capacity as a member of Parliament.
(3) No one shall be prosecuted for an offence against this section without the leave of a Judge of the High Court. Notice of the intention to apply for such leave shall be given to the person whom it is intended to prosecute, and he shall have an opportunity of being heard against the application.
[5] The only material change to s 103 since it was enacted has been the increase in the maximum penalty from three to seven years imprisonment effected by s 5
Crimes (Bribery of Foreign Public Officials) Amendment Act 2001. This change was part of a wider Bill to bring New Zealand law into conformity with the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions 1997. New Zealand is a party to this treaty but it does not bear on the matter at issue here.
[6] The other sections of the Crimes Act dealing with corruption and bribery are s 100 (corruption by judicial officers), s 101 (bribery of judicial officers), s 102 (corruption and bribery by Ministers of the Crown), s 104 (corruption and bribery of law enforcement officers) and s 105 (corruption and bribery of public officials). Sections 105A to 105E relate to the corrupt use of official information and bribery in relation to foreign public officials.
[7] Section 106 provides for certain restrictions on prosecution:
Restrictions on prosecution
(1) No one shall be prosecuted for an offence against any of the provisions of sections 100, 101, 104, 105, 105A, 105B, 105C, and 105D, without the leave of the Attorney-General, who before giving leave may make such inquiries as he thinks fit.
(2) No Judge who holds his office subject to a power of removal by Her Majesty on an address of the House of Representatives shall be prosecuted for any such offence except by the Attorney-General in pursuance of a resolution of that House.
[8] The statute provides different restrictions on prosecution for crimes alleged under these provisions. The leave of the Attorney-General is required before any prosecution may be brought under all the provisions discussed except in respect of Ministers and Members of Parliament. In their case, no prosecution may be brought without the leave of a High Court Judge.
[9] Clearly, Parliament must have considered it necessary to distinguish the case of prosecutions under these provisions in the case of Ministers and Members of Parliament by requiring a High Court Judge to consider any application for leave to prosecute. Unfortunately, neither Hansard nor any other extrinsic materials throw any light on Parliament’s reasons for this distinction.
[10] The only other provision relating to the grant of leave is s 314 Crimes Act which provides that, if leave is granted, it must be endorsed on the information or set out in a memorandum. The endorsement or memorandum must be accepted by the Court as proof that leave has been given.
[11] There are many other offences under a variety of statutes which require the leave of the Attorney-General before a prosecution may commence. These are detailed in New Zealand Law Commission Criminal Prosecution (NZLC PP28
1997) at 174-175. In some cases (for example, s 12 Secret Commissions Act 1910) the Attorney-General may grant leave without notice to the prospective defendant. The fact that s 103 Crimes Act requires notice to be given to the respondent and an opportunity to be heard suggests that an application to this Court for leave is expected to be more than a mere formality.
The statutory history
[12] Prior to the 1961 Act, the Crimes Act 1908 contained three offences specifically related to corruption affecting public office. Section 126 related to judicial corruption; s 127 applied to corruption by justices, constables or public officers employed in any capacity for the prosecution, detection or punishment of offenders; and s 128 applied to anyone engaging in corruption in relation to the appointment of any person to any public office or employment. There was no specific offence relating to Ministers of the Crown or Members of Parliament. Leave to prosecute was required only in respect of offences under ss 126 and 128. The leave required was from the Attorney-General under ss 361 and 362. These sections did not require notice to be given to the prospective defendant.
[13] The offences created by ss 102 and 103 Crimes Act 1961 were introduced for the first time by that Act. The requirement for leave of a High Court Judge rather than that of the Attorney-General was a departure from the previous practice and legislation. This suggests that the requirement for leave of a High Court Judge is related to the nature of the roles within government of Ministers and Members of Parliament.
Other jurisdictions
[14] I am grateful to the applicant’s counsel for their research into the legislative history and the law in other jurisdictions. The explanatory note to the Crimes Bill stated that ss 102 and 103 were based on s 100 of the Canadian Criminal Code (1954) but were “wider in their effect”. Section 119 of the Canadian Criminal Code (1954) created an offence of corruption for the holder of a judicial office or a member of Parliament or of a provincial legislature. Under s 119(2), the consent of the Attorney-General of Canada was required in respect of any prosecution relating to the holder of a judicial office. The same position applied under the Canadian Criminal Code (1892). An examination of the records of the Canadian Parliamentary debates for 13 June 1892 and Chapter 5 of Wharton A Manual of Canadian Criminal Law (1951) shows that the Canadian Criminal Code 1892 required leave of the Attorney-General in order to protect those holding judicial office from malicious and vexatious attack. The current position in Canada remains unchanged in the consolidated Criminal Code (1985).
[15] In the United Kingdom, the Public Bodies Corrupt Practices Act 1889 and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1906 (which deal with corrupt practices of members, officers or servants of public bodies and “agents” generally) both make the leave of the Attorney-General a prerequisite to prosecution under those enactments.
[16] The United Kingdom Parliament is currently considering a public Bill entitled “The Corruption Bill”. The Joint Parliamentary Committee reported on the draft Bill in July 2003. The Joint Committee stated at page 47:
137. We have been told that MPs and peers, among other public figures, are vulnerable to frivolous or vexatious private prosecutions for corruption. These could, if raised during an election or other sensitive time, distort the political process. We therefore accept the need for some filter before prosecutions are launched.
138. Where some consent to prosecution is required for other offences, the decision-maker is usually the Director of Public Prosecutions. This responsibility is normally exercised through delegated powers by Chief Crown Prosecutors. We understand that there is little practical advantage in requiring the consent of the Attorney as opposed to the DPP. Furthermore, involving a member of the Government in the decision to prosecute may be counter to our international obligations. Without doubting the independence of the Attorney General and his predecessors, we accept that the appearance of ministerial involvement in the prosecution decision would best be avoided.
139. Ideally the consent to prosecute would be vested in the Director of Public Prosecutions and exercised either by him personally or in his absence by one nominated deputy. In cases involving MPs it would be open to the DPP to consult the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards on the interpretation of the Code of Conduct. We recommend that Clause 17 be replaced by a requirement for the consent to be given by Director of Public Prosecutions or one nominated deputy.
[17] It appears the present draft of the Corruption Bill (UK) does not contain any prerequisite to prosecution. However, two points of relevance emerge from the report of the Joint Committee. First, the suggestion that Members of Parliament as public figures may be vulnerable to frivolous or vexatious private prosecutions for corruption. Second, the concern that the grant of leave to prosecute a Member of Parliament by the Attorney-General might give an undesirable appearance of ministerial involvement.
[18] A similar comment is made in the Prosecution Guidelines issued by the Crown Law Office in this country in March 1992 at para 4.2 dealing with offences for which the consent of the Attorney-General is required before prosecution:
The reasons for requiring that consent vary. In general terms however the consent requirement is imposed, to prevent the frivolous, vengeful or
‘political’ use of the offence provisions.
[19] In Australia, there do not appear to be any requirements for leave to prosecute for official corruption and there does not appear to be any material assistance to be gained by a review of comparable provisions in the United States.
The criminal libel cases
[20] Counsel for the applicant properly referred me to cases where the consent of a Judge was required before a prosecution could be brought for criminal libel. Our Defamation Act 1992 abolished the offence of criminal libel which existed until that time under s 215 Crimes Act. Under that provision, anyone publishing any criminal libel could be imprisoned for up to one year, or for two years if the publication was made in the knowledge it was false. The expressions criminal libel and publishing were defined in s 211:
211. Criminal libel and publishing defined -
(1) A criminal libel is matter published, without lawful justification or excuse, either designed to insult any person or likely to injure his reputation by exposing him to hatred, contempt, or ridicule or likely to injure him in his profession, office, business, trade, or occupation, whether such matter is expressed by words, written or printed, or legibly marked on any substance, or by an object signifying such matter otherwise than by words, and whether expressed directly or by insinuation or irony.
(2) Publishing a criminal libel is – (a) Exhibiting it in public; or
(b) Causing it to be read or seen, or showing or delivering it, or causing it to be shown or delivered, with a view to its being read or seen by any person other than the person defamed.
[21] A prosecution for criminal libel could not be commenced without the leave of a High Court Judge. Section 213 provided:
212. No prosecution without leave of Judge
(1) No prosecution for criminal libel shall be commenced without the leave of a Judge of the High Court.
(2) Notice of intention to apply for such leave shall be given to the person to be charged, who shall have an opportunity of being heard against the application.
(3) An information for an alleged criminal libel shall be taken before a
District Court Judge only.
(4) This section shall not apply to any summary proceedings under section
16 of the Defamation Act 1954.
[22] There are two reported New Zealand cases relating to the grant of leave to prosecute for criminal libel. These are Police v McLachlan [1989] 3 NZLR 689 and Police v W [1989] 3 NZLR 696. In each case, leave was granted following consideration of factors identified by Wien J in Goldsmith v Pressdram Ltd [1977] 2
All ER 557. The New Zealand cases adopted the following passage from the judgment of Wien J at 562:
First before a discretion can be exercised in favour of an applicant who wishes to institute criminal proceedings in respect of a libel, which he contends is criminal, there must be a clear prima facie case. What I mean by that is that there must be a case to go before a criminal court that is so clear at first sight that it is beyond argument that there is a case to answer. Secondly, the libel must be a serious one, so serious that it is proper for the criminal law to be invoked. It may be a relevant factor that it is unusually likely for the libel to provoke a breach of the peace, although that is not a necessary ingredient at all. Thirdly, the question of the public interest must be taken into account, so that the judge has to ask himself the question:
‘Does the public interest require the institution of criminal proceedings?’ What is not appropriate, in my judgment, is the question whether damages might or might not afford an adequate remedy to a complainant. I consider that that question is irrelevant. Once one arrives at the conclusion that the criminal law ought to be invoked, then it is not a private case between individuals: the state has an interest and the state has a part in it.
[23] The New Zealand cases emphasised, as did Wien J, that rigid guidelines should not be applied so as to fetter the broad discretion intended by the leave requirement. Nor was it suggested that the matters identified by Wien J were exhaustive. It was accepted that any discretion must be exercised judicially.
[24] It was submitted on behalf of the applicant in the present case that the libel decisions should be distinguished. In particular, it was submitted there was no need under s 103(3) for the Court to be satisfied there was a prima facie case. Rather, it was submitted it was only necessary for the Court to be satisfied that the prosecutions were brought in good faith and without improper influence. It is therefore necessary to consider the criminal libel cases in a little detail.
[25] In Goldsmith, Wien J was considering an application for leave to commence a criminal prosecution under s 8 of the Law of Libel Amendment Act 1888 (UK) which provided:
No criminal prosecution shall be commenced against any proprietor, publisher, editor, or any person responsible for the publication of a newspaper for any libel published therein without the order of a Judge at Chambers being first had and obtained. Such application shall be made on notice to the person accused, who shall have an opportunity of being heard against such application.
[26] Leave to prosecute is required only if the prosecution is to be brought against a proprietor, publisher, editor or other person responsible for the publication of a newspaper containing the alleged libel. Much of the judgment in Goldsmith is concerned with the elements necessary to establish criminal libel and whether the prosecution must prove the libel was likely to result in a breach of the peace, perhaps by the person allegedly defamed taking some form of direct action. Wien J rejected that proposition by reference to earlier English authorities. It was sufficient if the imputation was calculated to vilify someone and bring them into hatred, contempt and ridicule.
[27] In discussing the principles which should guide the exercise of discretion to grant leave, Wien J did not refer to any prior authority. His statement of principles, already cited at page 562, appears to place a very high onus on an applicant seeking leave to prosecute for criminal libel. In particular, the requirement for “a clear prima facie case” by which Wien J meant “that there must be a case to go before a criminal court that is so clear at first sight that it is beyond argument that there is a case to answer”.
[28] There is no discussion in Goldsmith nor in the New Zealand authorities in relation to the grant of leave for a criminal libel prosecution, of the relationship between the grant of leave to prosecute and the committal process which would follow if leave were granted to prosecute on indictment. Wien J rejected a submission made that criminal proceedings for libel could only be justified if an award of damages was unlikely to be satisfied. While Wien J does not give reasons for adopting the principles laid down, it is an obvious fact that a civil remedy in damages would ordinarily lie for libel and the implicit policy rationale for setting such a high hurdle for criminal libel must have taken that fact into account. This distinction was picked up by Fisher J in Police v W to which I will shortly refer.
[29] In McLachlan, Fraser J granted leave to the police to prosecute the publisher of a magazine containing alleged libels in respect of Sir Robert Muldoon relating to a period when he had been Prime Minister of New Zealand. The Judge referred to the English authorities and criticism by the House of Lords in Gleaves v Deakin [1980] AC 477 of the requirement under s 8 of the Law of Libel Amendment Act 1888 (UK) for leave of a Judge in criminal libel cases. In Gleaves, their Lordships were critical both of the requirement for the leave of a Judge (rather than the Attorney- General or Director of Public Prosecutions) as a pre-requisite to prosecution and the fact that no leave of any type was required in respect of persons other than proprietors, publishers, or editors of newspapers. The view was expressed in Gleaves that the law should be reformed so that no prosecution for criminal libel could be instituted without leave of the Attorney-General.
[30] Fraser J noted in McLachlan that counsel were agreed that the proper approach was that adopted by Wien J in Goldsmith which was approved by Taylor J in Desmond v Thorne [1982] 3 All ER 268. Fraser J considered that the allegedly libellous statement was serious, there was a clear prima facie case and that the public interest required the institution of criminal proceedings. In exercising his discretion, he considered those factors outweighed issues such as delay in bringing the application and the prospect that the offence of criminal libel was likely to be abolished by the Defamation Bill then before the House.
[31] In Police v W, Fisher J granted leave to the police to prosecute the respondent for alleged criminal libels contained in anonymous letters written to various people in a sports club of which the complainant was President. Discussing the guidelines referred to in Goldsmith, Fisher J was in agreement with Wien J that it would be inappropriate to authorise the institution of criminal proceedings for libel unless the case is a clear one. He added that “one would also need to be satisfied that the statements were seriously defamatory of the complainant.” (at 699).
[32] Prominent among the considerations relevant to applications for leave in criminal libel cases is the conclusion the Judge reached at 701 that:
In the finish I think that the choice between criminal and civil sanctions will usually turn on quite pragmatic considerations. The ultimate question is
likely to be which procedure and remedy are most suited for the control of a given type of undesirable behaviour …
[33] The Judge concluded that the special factor in the case before him was the anonymity of the allegedly libellous letters and the need to secure the assistance of the police to identify the author (at 701).
[34] The Judge considered that the seriousness of the libels, the respondent’s motive, the duration of the campaign and the anonymity element outweighed delay factors and the then current reconsideration of the law of criminal libel. However, leave was not granted in respect of all the proposed informations. Some of them did not seem to the Judge to warrant what he called “the heavy impost of a criminal prosecution” (at 703).
[35] Fisher J’s discussion of public interest factors at 701 is also of interest. He considered there were three situations where it would often be in the public interest to prosecute:
The State will often prosecute when the conduct of one of its citizens is seriously injurious to: (i) effective government and conduct of public affairs; (ii) the maintenance of peace among its citizens; or (iii) the welfare of individuals. The first two more obviously involve the peace, order and good government of the whole community in the public interest. The third involves the state in a more paternalistic role where the public interest may be less obvious.
[36] I consider there are several considerations suggesting it is not appropriate to adopt the principles established in the criminal libel cases when considering an application for leave under s 103(3):
a) There is no obvious parallel civil remedy for corruption and bribery as there is for libel.
b) Unlike libel, corruption is not dependent on the existence of a victim.
Rather, criminal sanctions are imposed in order to advance the broader public interest in upholding good government and the integrity of Ministers, Members of Parliament and public officials.
c) No consideration is given in the criminal libel cases to the scrutiny which must follow during the committal process should leave to prosecute be granted.
d)From a practical point of view, a libel is necessarily expressed in writing. Generally, the assessment of whether an alleged libel is capable of bearing a defamatory meaning is likely to be a much more straightforward exercise than an assessment on the papers of the merits of a corruption allegation where proof of a corrupt intention is an essential element.
Submissions
[37] Helpful written submissions have been presented on both sides. The applicant’s central submission has already been mentioned. Mr Moore submitted that leave was required from a High Court Judge under ss 102 and 103 in the case of Ministers of the Crown and Members of Parliament to ensure there is no risk of political influence or the appearance of political involvement. He also submitted that the requirement for leave of a High Court Judge emphasised the constitutional separation of powers between the Executive, Parliament and the Judiciary.
[38] The applicant’s submissions focused on the statutory framework and history already discussed. It was said to be significant that the requirement for the leave of a High Court Judge applied only to corruption allegations in respect of Ministers of the Crown and Members of Parliament. It was submitted this recognised that MPs were particularly vulnerable to vicious or vexatious attack for political or vengeful reasons. Reference was also made to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption 2003 signed by New Zealand on 10 December 2003 but not yet ratified. Finally, Mr Moore emphasised the traditional reluctance of the Courts to become involved in reviewing prosecutorial discretion and referred to the usual evidential safeguards of the committal process and the criminal onus and standard of proof as providing a sufficient barrier to ill-founded prosecutions. He submitted that to require proof of a prima facie case at the leave stage would render the committal process meaningless.
[39] In respect of the reluctance of the Courts to interfere with prosecutorial discretion, Mr Moore referred to Fox v Attorney-General [2002] 3 NZLR 62, 69-72 (CA) and Polynesian Spa Limited v Osborne [2005] NZAR 408, 422-424. I do not see those cases as having any direct relevance here where Parliament has provided specifically for the leave of a High Court Judge to be obtained before a prosecution can proceed.
[40] On Mr Field’s behalf, Mr Dacre submitted there is no fetter on the Court’s discretion when leave is sought under s 103(3). He accepted that considerations such as good faith and the absence of undue influence were relevant but these were only two of a number of factors the Court might decide to take into account. He contended that, in order to exercise its discretion, the Court must be satisfied, on the basis of the criminal standard of proof, that the evidence which will be presented to the finder of fact is evidence which can properly be put to them. Although he submitted this would be an onerous task, it would not be a proper exercise of the Court’s discretion to confine itself to the terms of the informations. In approaching the issue, the fact the respondent has a statutory right to be heard on the leave application supported the submission that a review of the evidence is required. That review, it was submitted, is to ensure the evidence supports a prosecution.
[41] In his written submissions, Mr Dacre referred to the assertion in the informations that the applicant had “just cause to suspect” the commission of an offence. He submitted that this suggested the review should focus not only on the fitness of the evidence but should also embrace wider equitable considerations. In short, Mr Dacre submitted that the grant of leave was not simply “a rubber stamping exercise”. The Court must be satisfied that the prosecution was “fit to be brought”. An affidavit merely asserting an honest belief that there was a proper case was not enough.
[42] In his oral submissions, Mr Dacre submitted that a prima facie case must be made out before leave could be granted. He made the point that, where there was some obvious legal or factual flaw in the case, it would be futile for the Court to permit a prosecution to be brought when it would inevitably fail. That supported his submission that the Court was required to review the evidence. Mr Dacre submitted
that the committal process would not be rendered meaningless if there were a review of the sufficiency of the evidence at the prior leave stage because the preliminary and later assessment would necessarily be made on the basis of the evidence available at each stage.
[43] The final point made by Mr Dacre was that it was difficult for a respondent effectively to challenge an application for leave in the absence of full disclosure by the police of relevant material on the police file. That concern was met by Mr Moore’s agreement to an order that disclosure be made which would embrace not only the usual material bearing upon the informations identified in the application for leave, but also disclosure of any material which could tend to show a collateral purpose or improper motive in respect of the investigation or prosecution of the matters at issue.
[44] I made that order by consent on 20 June 2007 requiring disclosure to be made by Friday 22 June 2007. The order was later extended without opposition to require compliance by Wednesday 27 June 2007.
Discussion
[45] The requirement for leave of a High Court Judge before a Minister of the
Crown or a Member of Parliament is prosecuted for corruption and bribery under ss
102 and 103 Crimes Act, appears to be unique. I accept the applicant’s submissions that it is a recognition that members of the Executive and Parliament are likely to be more susceptible to ill-founded, vexatious or politically motivated allegations of this kind than public officials or members of the judiciary. I am also satisfied that the leave of a High Court Judge is required (rather than the Attorney-General), in order to avoid any suggestion of improper political involvement, or the appearance of such involvement, in the decision to prosecute. That is the plain inference to be drawn from the statutory distinction made for Ministers and Members of Parliament on the one hand and members of the judiciary and public officials on the other.
[46] But I do not accept the applicant’s submission that the Court’s role at the leave stage is confined to ensuring the prosecution is brought in good faith and has
not been instigated or influenced by improper or collateral considerations. The discretion conferred by s 103(3) is unfettered, subject of course to the requirement, common to all judicial discretions, that it must be exercised judicially.
[47] When the Crimes Act was enacted in 1961, Parliament deliberately amended the pre-existing legislation to create specific offences for corruption and bribery by Ministers and Members of Parliament while at the same time inserting the requirement for the prior leave of a High Court Judge. That was clearly intended to safeguard the interests of those who might be prosecuted under this provision. Parliament did not intend that the Judge considering the grant of leave to prosecute would be a mere cypher or rubber stamp but would conscientiously assess the evidence and all the circumstances presented to the Court to ensure it was proper to permit the prosecution to proceed. That intention is reinforced by the obligation to give notice to the respondent and an opportunity to be heard.
[48] Mr Moore accepted it was incumbent on the applicant to present at least some evidence to satisfy the Court the prosecution is being brought in good faith but resisted the suggestion that the evidence would need to be sufficient to show a prima facie case. I accept it is unnecessary for the applicant to satisfy the Court there is a prima facie case at this stage. To do so would be premature and would encroach to an inappropriate extent on the discretion of the judicial officer presiding at the committal process under Part 5 Summary Proceedings Act 1957 (which would follow if leave to prosecute were granted). Where, as here the informations are laid indictably, the judicial officer presiding at depositions will be required to consider under s 168 Summary Proceedings Act whether “the evidence adduced by the informant is sufficient to put the defendant on his trial”.
[49] I am satisfied that the principle established in the criminal libel cases that a clear prima facie case is required before leave may be granted, sets the bar too high in corruption cases and should not be adopted for the reasons identified in [36] above.
[50] It must be kept in mind that, at this stage the Court is essentially involved in a screening or filtering process. No charge has been laid. The committal stage and
any subsequent trial are yet to come if leave is granted. The grant of leave under s
103(3) is also to be distinguished from the grant of leave to file an indictment under the exceptional process provided for in s 345(3) Crimes Act. Under that section, the committal process may be partially by-passed or over-ridden. Nor should it be overlooked that the courts retain a discretion to stay or dismiss a prosecution should an abuse of process emerge at a later stage.
[51] But this Court would be failing in its duty if it did not review the evidence presented to make a preliminary assessment of its strength and sufficiency to ensure it is proper to grant leave and that the prosecution is brought in good faith. It is reasonable to infer this was one of the reasons why Parliament provided that the respondent is to be given notice of an application for leave and the opportunity to be heard.
[52] If there were obvious evidential or legal flaws in the case it would not be proper to grant leave. That could arise, for example, if there were a misconception of the legal elements necessary to establish the offence; an obvious and material gap in the evidence; or substantial reliance on evidence that is inadmissible.
[53] In the end, it is not desirable to lay down firm guidelines because to do so could risk fettering judicial discretion. While there must be something more than “reasonable grounds to suspect” (which is a standard more properly applicable to earlier investigatory stages), the evidence need not be “sufficient to put the defendant on his trial” (which is the standard required for the later committal stage). All the evidence presented on both sides is to be considered and objectively assessed. The onus is on the applicant to demonstrate there are proper grounds for the grant of leave. That assessment is to be made against the background that the prosecution must, at trial, prove the alleged offence beyond reasonable doubt. But proof to that standard is not required at the leave stage.
[54] The Court would not confine itself to a review of the strength and sufficiency of the evidence. I accept it would be appropriate to take into account wider considerations. It is common ground the applicant must satisfy the Court the prosecutions are being brought in good faith; that there is no improper or collateral
purpose involved; and that no improper pressure has been brought to bear on the investigation of the alleged offences or on the decision to prosecute.
[55] The Court will need to consider the seriousness of the allegation and whether the public interest requires a prosecution in the circumstances of the case (see by analogy the Prosecution Guidelines issued by Crown Law at paragraph 3). But unlike the criminal libel cases, an allegation of corruption against a Minister or Member of Parliament (except where it can truly be regarded as trivial) will ordinarily be treated very seriously since, if established, corruption and bribery strike at the heart of good governance and compromise the integrity of the Executive and Parliament. The maintenance of a system of government free from corruption or bribery must be viewed as being of the highest importance.
[56] Matters such as these must all be weighed along with any other considerations relevant to the particular case.
Process
[57] The applicant has filed an extensive affidavit describing the inquiry conducted by Dr N W Ingram QC and his subsequent report; the investigations conducted by the police and the basis for the applicant’s belief as to the sufficiency of the evidence for the purposes of prosecution. The affidavit also produces briefs of evidence in respect of the key prosecution witnesses and a transcript of a lengthy interview of the respondent. The police have also agreed to provide full disclosure to the respondent of other documents and information as noted in [43] above.
[58] It is possible that the applicant may wish to file further affidavits in the light of this decision and it is appropriate that the respondent be given the opportunity to file affidavits in response should he wish to do so.
[59] A tentative date for consideration of the application for leave has been made for Thursday 26 July 2007 at 10 am. The Registrar is directed to arrange a telephone conference with counsel as soon as convenient to ascertain whether that date is still appropriate and to establish a timetable for the filing of affidavits and submissions.
A P Randerson, J Chief High Court Judge
0
0
0