2210273 (Refugee)

Case

[2022] AATA 4809

20 October 2022


2210273 (Refugee) [2022] AATA 4809 (20 October 2022)

DECISION RECORD

DIVISION:Migration & Refugee Division

CASE NUMBER:  2210273

COUNTRY OF REFERENCE:                   Sudan

MEMBER:Jane Marquard

DATE:20 October 2022

PLACE OF DECISION:  Sydney

DECISION:The Tribunal remits the matter for reconsideration with the direction that the applicant satisfies s 36(2)(a) of the Migration Act.

Statement made on 20 October 2022 at 10:38am

CATCHWORDS

REFUGEE – Protection Visa –Sudan – Nuba ethnicity – membership of the particular social group – a returnee and person who had not completed military conscription – imputed political opinion – lack of family networks – perceived anti government political opinion – State protection is not available to the applicant – applicant has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of his nationality and/or political opinion – harm feared is systematic and discriminatory – decision under review remitted

LEGISLATION

Migration Act 1958, ss 5H, 36, 46, 65, 499

Migration Regulations 1994, Schedule 2

CASES

Abebe v Commonwealth of Australia (1999) 197 CLR 510
AVQ15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCAFC 133
Applicant A v Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1997) 190 CLR 225
Chan v MIEA (1989) 169 CLR 379
Sundararaj v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [1999] FCA 76
Sujeendran Sivalingam v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [1998] FCA 1167

Any references appearing in square brackets indicate that information has been omitted from this decision pursuant to section 431 of the Migration Act 1958 and replaced with generic information which does not allow the identification of an applicant, or their relative or other dependant.

STATEMENT OF DECISION AND REASONS

APPLICATION FOR REVIEW

  1. This is an application for review of a decision by the Department of Home Affairs (the Department) on 14 July 2022 to refuse an application for a protection visa under s 65 of the Migration Act 1958 (Cth) (the Act).

    BACKGROUND TO THIS APPLICATION FOR REVIEW

  2. The applicant is a [age]-year-old man who was born in [City 1], Nuba Mountains, Sudan. He left Sudan for [Country 2] in 2001 when he was around [age] years old, and his mother and siblings joined him a few years later. He and his family applied for refugee status with the UNHCR in [Country 2]. The applicant’s mother, [a number of siblings] were granted visas for [Country 1] where they now reside and are [Country 1] citizens. The applicant arrived in Australia on [date] July 2004 on a Global Special Humanitarian (XB 202) visa.

  3. The applicant has a daughter in Australia, born in [year]. He also has a cousin who is an Australian citizen. He is no knowledge of other family members in Sudan.

  4. Following a number of criminal convictions, the applicant’s visa was cancelled on 7 May 2015. He was detained on this date and has remained in immigration detention since this time, primarily on Christmas Island but also at Yongah Hill Detention Centre.

  5. The applicant speaks Nuba, Arabic and English.

  6. The applicant applied for this protection visa on 16 March 2022 on the basis of his Nuba ethnicity, imputed political opinion, as a returnee and person who had not completed military conscription.

  7. The Department, as delegate of the Minister for Home Affairs, refused to grant the visa on 14 July 2022. The delegate was not satisfied that the applicant would face a real chance of serious harm or a real risk of significant harm if he returned to Sudan.

  8. This is a review of that decision by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (the Tribunal).

    EVIDENCE CONSIDERED IN THIS REVIEW

  9. The Tribunal has considered evidence before the Department and this Tribunal, as well as independent country sources about Sudan. The applicant appeared before the Tribunal on 5 October 2022 to give evidence and present arguments. The Tribunal also received oral evidence from the applicant’s two sisters and mother from [Country 1]. The applicant’s representative was also present at the hearing.

  10. The evidence and material before the Tribunal is referred to where relevant in the findings set out below. Not all the evidence is referred to in the findings. The findings incorporate reference to information that the Tribunal has found to be material to the determination of the issues in the case.[1]

    [1] See Minister for Immigration and Citizenship v Khadgi (2010) 190 FCR 248, 271.

    SUMMARY OF RELEVANT LAW AND PRINCIPLES OF REVIEW

  11. Australia acceded to the 1951 Convention relating to Status of Refugees[2] in 1954 (the Convention) and to the 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees[3] in 1973, thereby undertaking to apply their substantive provisions.[4] For protection visa applications made after 16 December 2014, the refugee definitions in the Act apply, which draw on concepts from the Convention definitions.[5]

    [2] Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, opened for signature 28 July 1951, 189 UNTS 137 (entered into force 22 April 1954) (‘Convention’).

    [3] Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees, opened for signature 31 January 1967, 606 UNTS 267 (entered into force 4 October 1967).

    [4] Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, opened for signature 28 July 1951, 189 UNTS 137 (entered into force 22 April 1954) (‘Convention’).

    [5] The Migration and Maritime Powers Legislation Amendment (Resolving the Asylum Caseload Legacy) Act 2014 (Cth) (No 135 of 2014) amended s 36(2)(a) of the Act to remove reference to the Convention and instead refer to Australia having protection obligations in respect of a person because they are a ‘refugee’.

  12. The criteria for a protection visa are set out in s 36 of the Act and Schedule 2 to the Migration Regulations 1994 (Cth) (the Regulations). Extracts of the relevant legislative provisions are set out in Attachment A to this decision.

  13. An applicant must meet one of the alternative criteria in s 36(2)(a), (aa), (b), or (c) of the Act. That is, he or she is either a person in respect of whom Australia has protection obligations under the 'refugee' criterion, or on other 'complementary protection' grounds, or is a member of the same family unit as such a person (and that person holds a protection visa of the same class).

    Refugee criterion

  14. Section 36(2)(a) of the Act provides that a criterion for a protection visa is that the applicant is a non-citizen in Australia in respect of whom the Minister is satisfied Australia has protection obligations because the person is a refugee.

  15. A person is a refugee if, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, he or she is unable or unwilling to avail him or herself of the protection of their country of nationality:  s 5H(1)(a) of the Act.

  16. Under s 5J(1) of the Act, a person has a well-founded fear of persecution if he or she fears being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion. There must be a real chance that he or she would be persecuted for one or more of those reasons, the persecution must involve serious harm, and the real chance of persecution must relate to all areas of the relevant country.

  17. A person does not have a well-founded fear of persecution if effective protection measures are available (s 5J (2)) or if the person could take reasonable steps to modify his or her behaviour (s 5J(3)).

  18. The High Court has found that persecution may be directed against a person as an individual or as a member of a group: Chan v MIEA (1989) 169 CLR 379 at 429 (Mason CJ). The persecution must have an official quality, in the sense that it is official, or officially tolerated or uncontrollable by the authorities of the country of nationality: Applicant A v Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1997) 190 CLR 225 (Brennan CJ).

  19. Additional requirements relating to a 'well-founded fear of persecution' and circumstances in which a person will be taken not to have such a fear are set out in ss 5J(2)-(6) and ss 5K-LA of the Act, which are extracted in Attachment A to this decision.

    Complementary protection criterion

  20. If a person is found not to meet the refugee criterion in s 36(2)(a) of the Act, he or she may nevertheless meet the criteria for the grant of the visa if there are substantial grounds for believing that, as a necessary and foreseeable consequence of being removed from Australia to a receiving country, there is a real risk that he or she will suffer significant harm: s 36(2)(aa) of the Act.

  21. The meaning of significant harm, and the circumstances in which a person will be taken not to face a real risk of significant harm, are set out in ss 36(2A) and (2B) of the Act, which are extracted in Attachment A to this decision.

    Mandatory considerations

  22. In accordance with Ministerial Direction No.84, made under s 499 of the Act, the Tribunal has taken account of the ‘Refugee Law Guidelines’ and ‘Complementary Protection Guidelines’ prepared by the Department, and country information assessments prepared by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade expressly for protection status determination purposes, to the extent that they are relevant to the decision under consideration.

    The applicant must satisfy the statutory elements

  23. The Tribunal is inquisitorial and can seek out evidence it requires in order to reach a determination, but the Tribunal is not required to seek out evidence to support an applicant’s claim (ABT16 v Minister for Home Affairs [2019] FCA 836) or make out the case for the applicant (Prasad v MIEA (1985) 6 FCR 155). It is the responsibility of the applicant to specify all particulars of the claim to be a person in respect of whom Australia has protection obligations and to provide sufficient evidence to establish the claim. The Tribunal does not have any responsibility or obligation to specify, or assist in specifying any particulars of the claim, or to establish or assist in establishing the claim: s 5AAA of the Act; Abebe v Commonwealth of Australia (1999) 197 CLR 510.

    Consideration of evidence and findings

    Key issues for determination

  24. In determining whether the applicant meets the refugee or complementary protection criteria, the key issues in this case are:

    ·     whether the applicant is of Nuba ethnicity as claimed;

    ·     whether there is a real chance of serious harm on the basis of his Nuba ethnicity and/or imputed political opinion; and/or

    ·     whether there is a real chance of serious harm as a returnee from a Western country or a person who did not complete military training.

  25. These issues and other threshold issues are discussed below.

    Providing an opportunity to be heard

  26. As the applicant was in immigration detention in Christmas Island, the hearing was conducted by video. The Tribunal is satisfied that this format provided a real opportunity to be heard, considering the legislative requirement that the Tribunal must pursue the objective of providing a mechanism of review that is accessible, fair, just, economical, informal and quick. The Tribunal had regard to the President’s Direction ‘COVID-19 Special Measures Practice Direction – Migration and Refugee Division’, 27 April 2020 and the President’s Direction ‘Conducting Migration and Refugee Reviews’, 1 August 2018.  

  27. The Tribunal was satisfied that it was reasonable to hold a hearing by video, having regard to the nature of this matter and the individual circumstances of the applicant - most importantly that he is in detention on Christmas Island, such that in the interests of justice, the matter should be heard expeditiously. The applicant has been in immigration detention since 2015 and there may have been significant delay to the matter if the hearing was not to be conducted by video. 

  28. The applicant confirmed that he could hear and see well. The representative was also present by telephone. There was appropriate communication between all parties during the hearing. The Tribunal is satisfied that the hearing provided a real opportunity to give evidence and present arguments in the format utilised.

    Nationality

  29. For the purposes of the refugee criterion, s 5H(1) of the Act refers to a person being a refugee if they are outside the country ‘of nationality’, or if they do not have a nationality, outside the country of former habitual residence. Section 5J(1) refers to this country as a ‘receiving country’.

  30. For the purposes of the complementary protection criterion, s 36(2)(aa) of the Act refers to a person being removed to a ‘receiving country’, which is defined as a country of which the applicant is a national, to be determined solely by reference to the law of the country, or a country of former habitual residence.

  31. The applicant claims that he is a Sudanese national and this is accepted by the Tribunal. He entered Australia on a Class XB Subclass 202 Global Special Humanitarian Visa as a UNHCR mandated refugee from [Country 2], travelling on a travel document titled ‘Document for Travel to Australia’ issued to Sudanese citizens. The Tribunal is satisfied on the basis of his travel document and his testimony that the applicant is a national of Sudan, and that Sudan is the receiving country for the purposes of the legislation.

    Findings of fact

  32. Asylum cases present particular complexities in respect of fact-finding. Applicants may have difficulties presenting evidence due to experiences in their home countries, as expressed by the Full Federal Court in Sujeendran Sivalingam v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [1998] FCA 1167:

    refugee cases may involve special considerations arising out of problems of communication and mistrust, and problems flowing from the experience of trauma and stress prior to arrival in Australia.

  33. Indeed, assessment of credibility is inherently difficult and at times can be based on imperfect perceptions of truth.[6] Research in Canada found that refugee decision-makers have unreasonable expectations of memory, and that ‘decades of psychological research’ has demonstrated that memory is incomplete and changes over time, and that inconsistencies in testimony should not be used ‘mechanically’.[7] An Australian study found that tribunal members may rely on assumptions which can be inconsistent with psychological literature.[8]

    [6] Fox v Percy (2003) 214 CLR 118.

    [7] Hilary Evans Cameron, ‘Refugee Status Determinations and the Limits of Memory’ (2010) International Journal of Refugee Law, Volume 22, Issue 4, 469 –511<  Dowd, Hunter, Liddell, McAdam, Nickerson and Bryant, ‘Filling gaps and verifying facts: Assumptions and credibility assessment in the Australian Refugee Review Tribunal’ (2018) International Journal of Refugee Law, 30(1), 71–103, noting however that the authors acknowledged that the study ‘sets out assumptions in the abstract, rather than in the context of the full decision’ which ‘does not always allow comprehensive reflection of the full logic behind the Tribunal member’s reasoning, nor consideration of the totality of the evidence presented.’

  • The Tribunal is conscious and mindful not to have unreasonable expectations of memory and that there may be factors that consciously or otherwise influence decisions.[9] An applicant may forget dates, locations, distances, events and personal experiences due to lapse of time or other reasons.[10] The Tribunal is assisted by the comments of both the High Court and Federal Court of Australia[11] in ensuring that the process of credibility assessment is reflective and fair (see AVQ15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCAFC 133). The objective of taking a ‘reasonable approach’ to fact-finding is supported in numerous judgments and commentaries. As Burchett J stated in Sundararaj v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [1999] FCA 76, it is necessary to:

    … understand that any rational examination of the credit of a story is not to be undertaken by picking it to pieces to uncover little discrepancies. Every lawyer with any practical experience knows that almost any account is likely to involve such discrepancies. The special difficulties of people who have fled their country to a strange country where they seek asylum, often having little understanding of the language, cultural and legal problems they face, should be recognised, and recognised by much more than lip service.

    [9] H Bennett and G Broe, ‘The neurobiology of achieving a comfortable satisfaction’ (2014) 26 Judicial Officer, Bulletin 8, 65–9.

    [10] Guidelines on the Assessment of Credibility, AAT, Migration and Refugee Division, available on the AAT Website, For example, Minister for Immigration andEthnic Affairs v Wu Shan Liang & Ors (1996) 185 CLR 259, Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs v Guo (1997) 191 CLR 559, Abebe v The Commonwealth of Australia (1999) 197 CLR 510, Randhawa v MILGEA (1994) 52 FCR 437, Selvadurai v MIEA & Anor (1994) 34 ALD 347, Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs and McIllhatton v Guo Wei Rong and Pan Run Juan (1996) 40 ALD 445, Chand v Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs [1997] FCA 1198, Kopalapillai v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (1998) 86 FCR 547 and Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs v Rajalingam (1999) 93 FCR 220.

  • The Tribunal has also taken into consideration the Tribunal’s Guidelines on the Assessment of Credibility,[12] which reinforce that the Tribunal should be mindful of the various factors which may impact on evidence and should approach the assessment with an open mind. In this case, the applicant and his family lost their father and brother due to the conflict in Sudan and these traumatic experiences may have impacted on evidence presented, and also may have resulted in nervousness and anxiety in presenting evidence to government authorities. Presentation may also have been impacted by cultural or psychological issues or level of education, as well as stress caused by separation from home and family. The applicant has been in detention since 2015, an extraordinarily long period. The applicant told the Tribunal about suicides which took place in both Yongah Hill and Christmas Island detention centres. He said that these experiences were very difficult, and he had to be strong. He experienced flashbacks from incidents in Sudan when a helicopter arrived at the detention centre after a detainee set himself on fire. He said that he has seen a counsellor while in the detention centre. The Tribunal has taken into consideration medical research which concludes that long-term detention may have significant impact on mental health,[13] and consequent ability to testify. [14]

    [12] Guidelines on the Assessment of Credibility, AAT, Migration and Refugee Division, available on the AAT Website,< .

    [13] M von Werthern, K Robjant and Z Chui, ‘The impact of immigration detention on mental health: A systematic review’, BMC Psychiatry, December 2018,  < UNHCR, ‘Guidance Note on the Psychologically Vulnerable Applicant in the Protection Visa Assessment Process’, November 2017.

  • The findings of fact are set out below.

    Is the applicant of Nuba ethnicity?

  • The Tribunal accepts that the applicant is of Nuba ethnicity for the following reasons.

  • His evidence that he was born in [year] in [City 1], Nuba Mountains, Sudan and is of Nuba ethnicity has been consistent in all his interactions with the Department. Evidence about his Nuba background was provided when he first applied for a Global Special Humanitarian visa in 2004. The Department records state ‘Nuba Mtns people’. He has also consistently provided evidence that at home his family members, including his grandparents and father, spoke Nuba although they spoke Arabic at school and in the community. His experience is consistent with information about languages in Sudan. Country sources indicate that Nuba ethnic groups speak several different languages,[15] or dialects,[16] though the lingua franca is Sudanese Arabic. He also spoke about having Nuba friends in Australia, the historical oppression of the Nuba, discussed later in these findings, and noted (accurately) that some Nuba are Christians and some Muslims.

    [15] IRRN News, ‘The Nuba: Prisoners of Geography’, 3 August 2015.

    [16] Minority Rights Group International, ‘Nuba’, 19 June 2015, < type="1">

  • For these reasons, the Tribunal accepts that the applicant’s ethnicity is Nuba and that he can be identified as such by his darker skin and name.[17] Reports confirm that an individual can be identified or perceived as Nuba due to their name, the colour of their skin, facial appearance or accent.[18] The Nuba are of black African origin.[19] The Encyclopedia of Stateless Nations states that Nuba tribes ‘differ in appearance’.[20] The National Human Rights Monitors Organisation (NHRMO) was cited in a joint paper published by the UK Home Office (UKHO) and Danish Immigration Service (DIS) stating that Nuba individuals ‘would be easily identifiable from the name’.[21] The UKHO-DIS report explained that individuals from Darfur or the Two Areas ‘could usually be identified on arrival, for example by the name of the person, his language (Arabic or non-Arabic accent) and his facial/physical features’.[22] A representative of Journalists for Human Rights (JHR) in that report also stated that ‘it was very easy for Sudanese to identify one’s ethnic affiliation by physical appearance and skin colour’.

    Why the applicant left Sudan

    [17] International Refugee Rights Initiative, ‘We just want a rest from war: Civilian perspectives on the conflict in the Sudan’s Southern Kordofan State’, April 2015.

    [18] UK Home Office and Danish Immigration Service, ‘Sudan: Situation of Persons from Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile in Khartoum’, August 2016, < IRRN News, ‘The Nuba: Prisoners of Geography’, 3 August 2015.

    [20] Encyclopaedia of Stateless Nations: Ethnic and National Groups around the World, 2nd edition, Google Books, ABC-CLIO.

    [21] UK Home Office and Danish Immigration Service, Sudan: Situation of Persons from Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile in Khartoum’, August 2016, < UK Home Office and Danish Immigration Service, Sudan: Situation of Persons from Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile in Khartoum’, August 2016, <>

    The Tribunal accepts that the applicant’s family left Sudan after their village was invaded and the applicant’s father and elder brother were killed by the army, as well as due to the applicant’s fear of conscription. This evidence has been consistent since the application for a humanitarian visa. The applicant said in his application to the Department for the protection visa that he left Sudan in 2002 with his family due to ‘threats’ and that his father was killed in front of him and his family after the army invaded their village, and his elder brother was also killed. He said that he and his family were in danger due to army control in the country. In evidence to this Tribunal differently constituted in relation to a review of the decision not to revoke his visa cancellation, his sister also gave evidence that his father and brother had passed away and that was why they escaped Sudan. The applicant’s mother gave corroborative evidence that she lost her husband in the war in 1995 and her oldest son in 1999 because they were members of the Nuba tribe. Consistent evidence was provided to the Department in the protection visa interview. The applicant said that the Sudanese army came to the village in about 1998 in order to move people out when he was about [age] or [age] years old. He said that they killed civilians, including his father and that after this, his elder brother took them to Khartoum. In a statement to the Tribunal the applicant reiterated his claim that his father and older brother were killed in ‘ethnic cleansing’ in the 1990’s that ‘claimed the lives of 500 000 of close family and friends in the Nuba Mountains’. He said in his Department interview that the ‘Nuba government they don’t want to agree with the government at the time’. He said that his people were always in the woods, hiding from the government and some are ‘still in the woods’.

  • The applicant’s evidence was further corroborated by his sisters and mother at the Tribunal hearing giving evidence by video. The sisters and mother were credible witnesses. They are living in [Country 1] and are citizens of [Country 1]. One of the sisters has a [degree] and is working for [an employer]. The other sister is studying to be [an occupation]. The Tribunal was persuaded by their considered evidence, as they did not attempt to underplay the seriousness of the applicant’s criminal convictions, instead reflecting on how he might have changed while in detention. They confirmed that they left Sudan in 2003 due to the civil war and that the applicant left earlier than they did as their mother felt that he would be killed. The Tribunal accepts their evidence that they did not agree with the civil war and did not want him to be killed. One of the applicant’s sisters referred to the family suffering ‘the trauma of the father and elder brother being killed’.  She said that there was ‘fire and a huge fight and blood on their farm’. She said that they were not activists, but her brother did not want to go into the army like their elder brother who was taken and never came back. She said that they saw a lot of unnecessary bloodshed. She said that her brother would have had to sign up for the military, so their mother made the arrangements for her son to depart.

  • The applicant’s sister also gave evidence, which is accepted by the Tribunal, that the applicant’s mother was imprisoned as a result of the applicant departing the country without completing his military service. According to the sister’s evidence to the Tribunal, the applicant’s mother worked full-time and had a kiosk after hours. She was a single mother as by this time the applicant’s father had been killed. She said that after the applicant’s departure, the military came and asked where her son was. She said that he had left the country and they took her in for questioning, telling her that he needed to fight in the army. She told them that she did not agree with the war. She was beaten and then they released her.

  • The applicant provided some more detail about these incidents at the Tribunal hearing, saying that his father was a farmer in the Nuba Mountains and they lived a peaceful life in the mountains, but the government ‘would not leave them alone’. He said that he does not have many memories of the mountains due to his age at the time but knows that his father ‘helped some young people resist the government’. He referred to a general who fought for the Nuba rights. He said that the government attacked the rebels who fought back, and his father got caught up in the conflict. He said that following the killing, his family went from town to town and there was ‘a lot of shooting’. He said that they hid, and it took them three days to get to Khartoum and after this they never went back to the region. He explained that his elder brother had to do military service, and he was taken to ‘reserve army’. He said that after training they wanted his brother to fight in Nuba and South Sudan. His brother did not want to fight ‘their own brothers’, and six to seven of the recruits tried to escape by jumping off the army base wall into the river, but the army saw them and shot them. He said that their mother wanted them to leave immediately. She had in fact started to plan for the applicant to leave when he was [age] years old so he could leave before army conscription. He said that he left prior to the university test which preceded conscription. He went by train and boat to [Country 2] in 2001 and about two years later his family joined him. The Tribunal accepts this evidence as it was consistent and coherent.

  • The Tribunal asked the applicant at hearing about a claim made in a letter to the Tribunal that in 2001 the government authorities asked him to join their cause, but he escaped. He explained, and the Tribunal accepts his explanation as reasonable, that ‘he does not know what that means’, instead he meant that he escaped before they he could be recruited into the army. The Tribunal accepts that this is what the applicant meant, and that the applicant did not do his military service. Departmental records relating to the Global Special Humanitarian visa state that he ‘refused to do military service’. He left when he was around [age] years old, so it is quite plausible that he had not completed his military service.

  • The experiences as described by the applicant and his family accord with information in country sources. These sources describe a long history of targeting of Nuba by the military or support of militias in conflict with the Nuba. According to a December 1991 report from Africa Watch the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SLPA) first formed in 1983, recruiting people from the Nuba Mountains. The SLPA made its first incursion into the Nuba Mountains in 1985, and this led to the creation of Sudanese Arab Baggara militias, called the Murahaliin, in response. The Murahaliin began to engage in small-scale raiding of Nuba communities. In July 1987 an SLPA unit infiltrated the Nuba Mountains and subsequently began recruiting Nuba youths, and systematically killing or kidnapping opponents. Raiding by Murahaliin intensified, and during 1988 a branch of these militias came to form a paramilitary force named the Popular Defence Force. The conflict in the Nuba Mountains escalated during 1988, with army and military intelligence arresting and executing Nuba individuals suspected of sympathising with the SLPA. In 1989, the conflict escalated further when the SLPA advanced close to Kadugli town, with combatants on both sides targeting civilians in the area, and attacks by Murahaliin increasing in frequency and savagery. Following the 1989 Sudanese coup d’état the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) introduced the Popular Defence Act, which in effect legitimised the Murahaliin. After this, there was a spate of militia raids that sometimes occurred in conjunction with the regular army. This pattern of violence continued in 1990 and 1991, with an upsurge of violence by the army and military intelligence against Nuba civilians occurring in mid-1991.

  • Country sources indicate that the late 1980s through to 2002 was a time when Nuba were targeted by the military and the experience of the applicant’s family does appear plausible in light of the information. The attacks on the Nuba by Sudanese armed forces in the 1990s have been described as a ‘nearly successful genocidal effort to exterminate the Nuba people’.[23] DFAT provided a background to the targeting of the Nuba in its 27 April 2016 report:

    The Nuba have traditionally clashed with the pastoralist Arab ethnic group, the Baggara. In the mid-1980s, clashes intensified and became increasingly political with the Government supporting the Baggara-linked militia, the Murahaliin. In the early 1990’s, the Government intensified its efforts to limit the authority of the Nuba, including through forcibly converting some of the Christian population to Islam.[24].

    [23] E Reeves, ‘The Challenge of peace in the Nuba mountains’, Briefs and Advocacy, September 2020

    [24] Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, ‘DFAT Country Information Report - Sudan ', 27 April 2016, paragraph 3.10, p.1.

  • Reports also refer to attacks by the army on civilians around Kadugli at the time. Fighting as part of the Second Sudanese Civil War continued in the 1990s and early 2000s, with fighting between the Sudanese government and the rebel movement officially ending with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on 9 January 2005.[25]

    [25] Africa Watch, ‘Sudan destroying identity: the secret war against the Nuba’, 1 December 1991

  • The courts have suggested that the benefit of the doubt should be given to those who are generally credible but unable to substantiate all claims [26]. A similar approach is suggested in the Department’s Refugee Law Guidelines[27] and in the UNHCR Handbook on Procedures and Criteria for Determining Refugee Status and Guidelines on International Protection (‘UNHCR Handbook’) [28], which provide useful guidance for this Tribunal. Given the consistency of evidence provided and the country information about military action in the Nuba mountains at the time, there is no reason to doubt the explanations provided for why the applicant departed Sudan for [Country 2].

    [26] SZLVZ v MIAC [2008] FCA 1816 at [25].

    [27] Policy – Refugee and humanitarian – Refugee Law Guidelines, Department of Home Affairs, section 15.4, as re-issued 1 July 2017 (Refugee Law Guidelines).

    [28] UNHCR, re-issued February 2019 at 203-204].

  • The Tribunal is also satisfied that the applicant and his family suffered some discrimination as Nuba people when living in Sudan and that young Nuba men were forcibly recruited into the military. The applicant explained that he is a ‘big person’ who was therefore targeted, and sometimes the army would stop the bus and take people to the army. He said that he was lucky that he always had identification with him. He said that the army believed that Nuba people were involved in politics even if they were not, and that Nuba were not trusted and some of them did work as spies. The Tribunal accepts the applicant’s evidence that although he was not involved in politics, Nuba people were often imputed with being involved in anti-government political activity. This experience is consistent with information provided in country sources.[29] The Tribunal also accepts his evidence that sometimes there was discrimination in access to health and social services, and the authorities expressed ‘hate’ towards Nuba people, telling them to go back from where they came from. These experiences accord with information about the Nuba people in Sudan, discussed later in this decision.[30]

    Life in Australia

    [29] Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, DFAT Country Information Report Sudan, 27 April 2016

    [30] See for example, UK Home Office and Danish Immigration Service, ‘Sudan: Situation of Persons from Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile in Khartoum’, August 2016, <>

    The Tribunal accepts the applicant’s evidence that after fleeing to [Country 2] the United Nations sent him to Australia at the age of [age]. The Tribunal accepts his evidence that he ‘did his best to integrate into the community’ but that it was difficult for him without family support.

  • Records in the Department’s file regarding the cancellation of the applicant’s visa show that the applicant has been convicted of a number of offences of driving while intoxicated between 2007 and 2013. He was also convicted of assaulting an officer in 2009. The Tribunal accepts his evidence that ‘unfortunately I got involved with the wrong types of people and did things I thought I was not capable of’. The Tribunal accepts that in recent years he has taken steps to improve himself as evidenced by Certificates of Attendance in a number of programs in detention, as well as a Certificate of Appreciation from Australian Border Force as a person who had demonstrated positive behaviours. The Tribunal accepts that he is attempting to improve his life. His mother said in a statement to the Tribunal, ‘I know my son was not an upstanding citizen and chose some routes he could've avoided. However, I know he still has a chance to do so, especially after spending over seven years incarcerated. Based on my conversations with him thus far, I can assure you that he had a lot of time to reflect on his actions and re-evaluate his life and the choices he had made. I know if he gets a second chance, he will make amends.’

  • The Tribunal notes that the applicant has a daughter in Australia, born in [year] and that he is no longer in a relationship with her mother. The Tribunal accepts that the applicant is ‘trying to fix the relationship with her grandmother, who looks after the child, but it is difficult from detention’.

    Does the applicant have a well-founded fear of persecution?

  • The next issue for consideration by the Tribunal is whether the applicant has a well‑founded fear of persecution for one of the reasons set out in the legislation if he were to return to Sudan.

  • Under s.5H(1) of the Act, a person is a refugee if, in the case of a person who has a nationality, they are outside the country of their nationality and, owing to a well‑founded fear of persecution, are unable or unwilling to avail themself of the protection of that country.

  • The concept of ‘well-founded fear of persecution’ is further defined in s.5J of the Act. It provides that a person has a well-founded fear of persecution if:

    – the person fears being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion; and

    – there is a real chance that, if the person returned to the receiving country, the person would be persecuted for one or more of the reasons mentioned above; and

    – the real chance of persecution relates to all areas of a receiving country.

    Does the applicant fear being persecuted?

  • Section 5J(1)(a) requires that the person ‘fears being persecuted’ for one of the stated reasons. This appears to incorporate the need for subjective fear, consistent with the Australian courts’ interpretation of ‘well-founded’ fear in Article 1A(2) of the Refugees Convention.

  • There was somewhat inconsistent evidence provided to the Department about the applicant’s subjective fear. He did express fear on the basis of his Nuba ethnicity in his application, although at the Department interview, he agreed that he did not fear returning for this reason as he ‘would not be remembered’, and the government had changed. It was also put to the applicant at the Tribunal hearing that there was information which may be a reason or part of the reason for affirming the decision under review. This information was that in evidence as part of his application for review of a decision not to revoke cancellation of his visa, he said that he feared returning due to not wanting to go into the reserve army and because he had no family in Sudan. He did not claim to fear the government. The Tribunal member in that matter asked him: ‘your concern about going back to Sudan or South Sudan relates to being drafted into the army’, and he agreed with this. Then the Tribunal member asked him, ‘that is your main concern. You are not worried about any political persecution or any trouble like that. What you are worried about its being forced into the army and going to fight a war somewhere that you don’t want to do, is that right?’ The applicant said ‘yes that is true’. When this was put to the applicant at the Tribunal hearing, he said that maybe at that time he was not given enough time and he was also very nervous.

  • After hearing his evidence at the Tribunal hearing, the Tribunal is satisfied that the applicant genuinely fears harm for reasons of ethnicity and imputed political opinion and that his contrary evidence to the Department may have been the result of inability to fully articulate comprehensively, or nervousness. He has given evidence, which the Tribunal accepts, of discrimination and hatred towards Nuba people when he was growing up. He said that although his mother worked hard to look after them, they ‘grew up in fear’. He said that there is ‘a hate especially from the army towards the Nuba people’.  He commented that when Nuba people were recruited to the army they were taken to the front line. He said that because of the difference in appearance, sometimes there was a difference in treatment of Nuba people in regard to health and other services, and Nubas would be told to ‘go back to where you come from’. He said that they are the victims of historical oppression. It is reasonable given his experiences in Sudan, that he would fear going back on the basis of his Nuba ethnicity.

  • The applicant also told the Department at interview and the Tribunal, that he fears returning to Sudan as he has no relatives or friends, and they lost their house in Sudan. He said if he returned to Khartoum he would have to hide and try and survive. He said if it was known that his family live in [Country 1] he would be ‘kidnapped and chopped to pieces’ until his family paid money. He said in a written statement that the country is run by the army and if he returned he would face the people who killed his father. He claimed that political kidnappings and torture happen daily and that Sudan is a dictatorship and there is no law and order. He confirmed that is afraid that if he returned he would be flagged for violence as his family were previously victims of the army. He said from his accent, his place of origin, his looks and the fact that he left the country as a refugee, he will be harmed, violently, tortured, or kidnapped.

    1. The Tribunal is satisfied that the applicant’s fear of returning due to his ethnicity and/or political opinion is reasonable, given the many sources which refer to the discrimination against Nuba people in Sudan over the last few decades[31] and his experiences in the past. The Tribunal is satisfied therefore that the applicant fears being persecuted for his Nuba ethnicity or imputed political opinion as a Nuba (discussed in more detail below).

      Is there a real chance of serious harm based on the applicant’s Nuba ethnicity/imputed political opinion?

      [31] UK Home Office and Danish Immigration Service, ‘Sudan: Situation of Persons from Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile in Khartoum’, August 2016, <>

      For a person’s fear of persecution to be well-founded, there must be a real chance that, if the person returned to the receiving country, the person would be persecuted. Consistent with the interpretation of ‘well-founded fear’ under the Convention, this ‘real chance’ requirement, contained in s.5J(1)(b), provides an objective element to that concept; not only must a person fear persecution, there must be a prospect of that fear being realised.

    2. The concept of ‘real chance’, as relevant to the assessment of well-founded fear under Article 1A(2) of the Convention, was explained by the High Court in Chan v MIEA (1989) 169 CLR 379 as a substantial chance, as distinct from a remote or far‑fetched possibility; however, it may be well below a 50 per cent chance. It is clear from the Explanatory Memorandum to the Bill introducing s 5J of the Act that Parliament intended that this same threshold be used to assess claims under s 5J.

    3. The applicant has claimed that there is a real chance of serious harm if he returns to Sudan, based on ethnicity and imputed political opinion.  He said that if he returned his life would be in danger from the army, and he would be kidnapped, tortured or killed. At the Tribunal hearing he confirmed that he also fears that if the army knows he is in the country he will be conscripted. He fears that they will know his brother escaped from the army and was ‘a coward’. He said that he also fears that they will kill him and make it look like an accident. He also fears that the military might try and extort his family for money.

    4. The applicant has not lived in Sudan for over 20 years. He was not involved in political groups or activity when he lived in Sudan. The al-Bashir regime which was in power at the time he was living in Sudan was overthrown in April 2019. These are factors which reduce significantly the likelihood of the applicant suffering serious harm. `           

    5. However, in the applicant’s specific circumstances and after careful consideration of the relevant country information, the Tribunal is satisfied that there is a real chance of serious harm if he were to return to Sudan in the reasonably foreseeable future, for reasons of his Nuba ethnicity and/or imputed political opinion. The Tribunal is satisfied that the chance of harm would be substantial, as opposed to remote or a far‑fetched possibility (Chan v MIEA (1989) 169 CLR 379). As the situation in Sudan is complex, the reasons for these findings are set out in some detail below. Firstly, the Tribunal notes the traditional animosity towards Nuba people founded in the historical discrimination and violence towards Nuba people, secondly the Tribunal explores the fragility of the peace process after April 2019, and the worrying impact of the October 2021 changes for Nuba people. Thirdly, the Tribunal notes that the applicant’s own vulnerabilities and his articulation that he would get involved in protests in support of the Nuba, are factors which would contribute to a real chance of serious harm.

      Historical oppression of the Nuba – impacting on current day treatment of the Nuba

    6. Nuba is a term used to describe over 50 ethnic groups that inhabit the Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan and Blue Nile and number an estimated 3.7 million people.[32] The term ‘Nuba’ encompasses diverse ethnic groups.[33] In a 2015 report, the International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI) notes that the Sudanese state of Southern Kordofan is populated by multiple ethnic groups, commonly referred to as either ‘Arab’ or ‘African’. IRRI states that the African groups are often called Nuba.[34] Minority Rights Group International (MRGI) states that ‘[t]hese diverse peoples have found a common identity as ‘Nuba’ through their shared mountain homeland and a history of shared oppression’.[35]

      [32] Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, ‘DFAT Country Information Report Sudan’, 27 April 2016.

      [33] Minority Rights Group International, Nuba’, 19 June 2015, International Refugee Rights Initiative, ‘We just want a rest from war: Civilian perspectives on the conflict in the Sudan’s Southern Kordofan State’, April 2015.

      [35] International Refugee Rights Initiative, ‘We just want a rest from war: Civilian perspectives on the conflict in the Sudan’s Southern Kordofan State’, April 2015.

  • The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in 2016 provided the following overview of the situation for Nuba in Sudan:

    The Nuba have traditionally clashed with the pastoralist Arab ethnic group, the Baggara. In the mid-1980s, clashes intensified and became increasingly political with the Government supporting the Baggara-linked militia, the Murahaliin. In the early 1990s, the Government intensified its efforts to limit the authority of the Nuba, including through forcibly converting some of the Christian population to Islam. The prominence of Christianity in the Nuba Mountains has added another layer of complexity given the religious divide between the mainly Islamic Sudan and mainly Christian South Sudan.[36]

    [36] Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade,’ DFAT Country Report Sudan’, 27 April 2016.

  • The attacks on the Nuba by Sudanese armed forces in the 1990s referred to in this DFAT Report, have been described as a ‘nearly successful genocidal effort to exterminate the Nuba people’.[37] In October 2003, there was a temporary cessation of the attacks.

    [37] Reeves, E, ‘The Challenge of peace in the Nuba mountains’, Briefs and Advocacy, September 2020.

  • A conflict began in the Darfur region in 2003 led by rebel groups including the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). The Nuba people were left out of the negotiations for the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005.[38]

    [38] Reeves, E, ‘The Challenge of peace in the Nuba mountains’, Briefs and Advocacy, September 2020.

  • In 2010, there was a military conflict between the Sudanese government and the breakaway group from SPLM, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) in the lead‑up to the referendum. The government introduced a blockade on humanitarian aid, which continued until 2019. From June 2011, there were indiscriminate air attacks on civilians in the Nuba Mountains, referred to by the applicant in his evidence. He claimed that in his hometown in 2011 thousands of innocent Nuba Mountains people were killed and nearly 250000 were displaced due to religious, ethnic and political issues. After Southern Sudan voted for succession in 2011, the mainly Christian South Sudan became independent, but the Nuba Mountains remained part of Sudan. Though many inhabitants of the Nuba Mountains identified with the south, they were not allowed to join the secession to South Sudan.[39] The effect of division was referred to by the applicant who said that that some of the Nuba went south and some remained north and the army wants the Nuba to go south, and this is one of the reasons Nuba returnees are ‘noticed’. In 2013, the government of Sudan announced plans to launch a military campaign to eliminate the rebel movements in Darfur, Blue Nile and Kordofan. Civilians came under attack indiscriminately and villages were burnt.[40]

    [39] Nuba Mountains People Foundation website,< United Nations – African Union Mission in Darfur, ‘The Human Rights Situation of Internally Displaced Persons in Sudan 2014 to 2016’.

  • The ongoing conflict has severely affected or displaced more than 1.1 million people within the Two Areas and caused more than 300,000 people to flee to neighbouring countries.[41]

    [41] United States Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs, Fact Sheet, ‘US Relations with Sudan’, 14 May 2018, < >.

  • In June 2016, there was a unilateral government ceasefire which led to a diminution in attacks on the Nuba people but the situation remained volatile, with reports of government forces and the SPLM-N still engaging in sporadic military attacks in South Kordofan and millions of people remained displaced.[42] In 2016, DFAT reported that despite commitments in the CPA, the Nuba population had not been provided with an opportunity to decide whether they identified as being from Sudan or South Sudan, and conflict between the government and SPLM-N had continued to intensify. DFAT assessed that the conflict in South Kordofan and Blue Nile had political, ethnic and religious motivations. The report said that the Sudanese government continued to intensify ground and aerial bombardments on rebel-held areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile which had led to significant harm to the Nuba population. Overall, DFAT assessed that Nuba in 2016 faced a high risk of discrimination and violence. Given the actual or perceived association of Nuba with the armed opposition, DFAT said that Nuba are ‘likely to face a high risk of discrimination and violence outside of the Nuba Mountains, including in Khartoum’.[43]

    [42] United Nations Human Rights Council, Report of the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Sudan, 27 July 2017, p. 9, < Atlantic Council, ‘Sudan: A Strategy for Re‑Engagement’, 14 July 2017, p. 14,< Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, ‘DFAT Country Report Sudan’, 27 April 2016.

  • Other sources also referred to the violence targeted against the Nuba movement: ‘the rebel movement has been relentlessly bombed by the government under the military dictator Omar al‑Bashir, and the area has at times been blockaded from the rest of Sudan’.[44]

    [44] Axios, ‘Nuba Mountains Sudan Peace agreement’, 10 January 2020, <>

    The UN Independent Expert on the human rights situation in Sudan also noted that despite some positive steps taken by the government and an overall decline in military operations in those areas, the overall security situation remained volatile and unpredictable and that the prevalence of armed groups, which included government-backed militia and other armed actors who operate in total impunity, continued to pose a serious threat for the protection of civilians and human rights in Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile.[45] Further, the government blockaded the area from humanitarian aid until 2019.

    [45] Atlantic Council, ‘Sudan: A Strategy for Re-Engagement’, 14 July 2017, p. 14, , pp. 5-7 and 14, <>

    In a June 2018 report, Minority Rights Group International identified Sudan as one of the highest rated countries that included communities under threat. The report described communities including Nuba as facing the greatest risk of genocide, mass killing or systematic violent repression. Whilst noting that the fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile between the government and rebels had lulled due to peace negotiations and rebel factionalisation, they stated in the report that it ‘risks re-igniting’.[46] DFAT referred to Minority Rights Group International in its report, ranking Sudan third on its 2015 Peoples Under Threat Ranking, and included the Nuba as one of the most at risk ethnic groups in Sudan. Based on discussions with in-country contacts, DFAT assessed that this was broadly accurate.[47] Sources indicate that notions of Arab supremacy are rooted in Sudanese society and the traditional elite. This leads to inequality in economic, social and cultural rights.[48]

    [46] Minority Rights Group International, ‘Peoples under Threat 2018’, June 2018, < Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, ‘DFAT Country Report Sudan’, 27 April 2016.

    [48] Office of the Commission General for Refugees
  • In 2018, Waging Peace, a human rights organisation supporting Sudanese refugees, found that ‘individuals of Nuba ethnicity were at risk in Sudan, both as targets of a war effort in the region itself, and of the regime’s campaign of Arabisation and association of ‘being Nuba’ with rebel loyalties, that makes them ready targets of persecution, ill-treatment, torture or worse, and particularly so in Khartoum, where security, military and police officials are headquartered’.[49] The report refers to systemic forms of discrimination as well, limiting Nuba access to equal citizenship, employment, religious freedom, education, health care and housing. The report also suggests that returnee asylum seekers have alleged that they were subsequently detained, interrogated, ill-treated and tortured, and some have disappeared.[50]

    [49] Waging Peace, ‘Risk to Individuals from Nuba Mountains in Sudan’, March 2018.

    [50] Waging Peace, ‘Risk to Individuals from Nuba Mountains in Sudan’, March 2018.

  • It is evident from these sources that Sudanese with Nuba ethnicity have suffered serious violence, discrimination and harassment at the hands of the government since the 1980s, including indiscriminate bombing of civilians, rape and blocking of humanitarian aid.

    The situation since the overthrow of Omar al-Bashir and peace accords, 2019 to early 2021

  • In April 2019, Omar al-Bashir was overthrown after a four-month popular uprising, and the National Congress Party which had been ruling Sudan for almost three decades was removed from power by the military. A new partly civilian, partly military government took over. Significant acts of violence were perpetrated against protestors during the transition from the previous regime to the current government.[51]

    [51] Amnesty International, ‘They descended on us like rain’, 10 March 2020.

  • A temporary governing body, the Transitional Military Council (TMC), took over in April 2019 and released hundreds of political prisoners.[52] Negotiations between TMC and protestors failed, and on 3 June 2019 Sudanese security forces known as the Rapid Support Forces attacked protestors with live ammunition, teargas, whips and sticks.[53] This was referred to by the applicant in his evidence, referring to security forces using ‘brute force to strengthen the position of the generals’. The Rapid Support Forces killed hundreds, injured many more, committed mass rapes and dumped bodies in the River Nile.[54] The massacre drew international condemnation and the TMC was forced to make concessions to the opposition Forces of Freedom and Change,[55] leading in August 2019 to the formation of a new civilian‑led transitional government.[56] In September 2019, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM-North) and the Sudanese government signed a peace accord. Notwithstanding the new government, the army once again attacked the Nuba in the mountains. The attack went over several regions for 10 days. The SPLM leader said that the attack demonstrated the lack of respect for the cessation of hostilities by the Sudanese authorities.[57]

    [52] Amnesty International, ‘They descended on us like rain’, 10 March 2020.

    [53] Amnesty International, ‘They descended on us like rain’, 10 March 2020.

    [54] Waging Peace, ‘Justice and Accountability in Sudan’, June 2020.

    [55] Waging Peace, ‘Justice and Accountability in Sudan’, June 2020.

    [56] United States Department of State, ‘Country Report on Human Rights Practices Sudan’, 11 March 2020.

    [57] Voice of America, ‘Sudan talks delayed after attacks in the Nuba Mountains’, 16 October 2019, <>

    In January 2020, a peace accord was again signed by Malik Agar, leader of one of the factions of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. A number of news articles referred to the hopes for a peaceful future in the area, but also expressed extreme caution considering the long history of indiscriminate bombing of civilians in the Nuba areas by the government.[58] The new prime minister Abdalla Hamdok visited the Nuba Mountains area in January 2020, and this was regarded as a symbolic meeting of hope.[59]

    [58] Middle East Eye, 27 January 2020,< Axios,  ‘Nuba Mountains Sudan Peace agreement’, 10 January 2020, < Axios, ‘Nuba Mountains Sudan Peace agreement’, 10 January 2020,< >

    In August 2020, the Sudanese government and the Sudan Revolutionary Front, an alliance of nine political and armed groups from different parts of the country, including the conflict‑torn states of Blue Nile, Darfur and South Kordofan, signed a peace agreement.[60] The agreement followed 10 months of negotiations. Notably, some armed groups did not sign the agreement, regarded as ‘an obstacle to success’.[61]

    [60] Amnesty International, ‘Sudan’s peace agreement must deliver on people’s quest for dignity and justice’, 30 August 2020.

    [61] Amnesty International, ‘Sudan’s peace agreement must deliver on people’s quest for dignity and justice’,30 August 2020.

  • The United Nations Security Council Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in the Sudan and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in the Sudan published on 17 September 2020, reported:

    …Following the upsurge in protests, the transitional Government took positive steps towards meeting the demands of the Sudanese population and improving the protection of fundamental rights, including by amending some controversial and discriminatory laws and taking several steps to strengthen democracy and the rule of law and to promote human rights. In upholding its commitment to improving the justice system and reforming national laws in compliance with international standards, the Joint Council – the current transitional legislative body in the Sudan – in July adopted several amendments to the penal code of 1991. The adoption constituted significant progress towards achieving the goals of the transition until a new penal code could be adopted as indicated in the Constitutional Declaration. The latest amendments improved the legal protection for the most vulnerable categories of people, including… combating discrimination and promoting respect for the freedom of religion and belief by decriminalising apostasy…[62]

    [62] UK Home Office, ‘Country Policy and Information Note. Sudan - Nuba', 01 December 2020, paragraph 9.1.1, p.15.

  • While cautiously optimistic about the TMC, a number of commentators expressed concern about peace and stability, given that there were many military and political officials in the TMC who were involved in the former regime.[63] For example, the TMC’s leader, General al-Burhan, the Chair of the newly-established Sovereign Council, played a key role in the former regime’s brutal counter-insurgency campaign. People in Darfur expressed their outrage at al‑Burhan’s appointment, claiming that under his command the Border Guards committed numerous killings and forced displacement of civilians. The TMC’s deputy head, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, was a mid-level commander in the Border Guards before being promoted by al-Bashir in 2013 to become commander of the Rapid Support Forces, drawn mainly from the Janjaweed militia and accused of committing ethnically‑targeted violence in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and, more recently, grave human rights violations in Khartoum.[64]

    [63] Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust, ‘Sudan’s Transition to Democracy’, 6 April 2020, < Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust, ‘Sudan’s Transition to Democracy’, 6 April 2020, < the real chance of persecution relate to all areas of the receiving country?

    128.   For persecution to be well founded, the real chance of serious harm must relate to all areas of the receiving country: s.5J(1)(c) of the Act. The Tribunal is satisfied that the applicant faces a real chance of persecution in all areas of Sudan given the entrenched, systematic and extreme racism and discrimination by the Sudanese government against members of the Nuba ethnic group, and the history of oppression set out above.

    Are effective protection measures available?

    129.   The Tribunal is not satisfied that effective protection measures are available to the applicant: s.5J(2) of the Act. Section 5LA(1) provides that effective protection measures are available if protection against persecution could be provided to the person by either the relevant State, or a party or organisation (including an international organisation) that controls the relevant State or a substantial part of its territory, and that State, party or organisation is willing and able to offer such protection. As the persecution is from State authorities as well as powerful militia, the Tribunal is not satisfied that effective protection measures are available.

    Could the applicant modify his behaviour?

    130.   The requirement in s 5J(3) of the Act that a person does not have a well-founded fear of persecution if he or she could take reasonable steps to modify his behaviour so as to avoid persecution does not apply as the section states that this does not apply to modifications which require concealment of race or ethnicity, or altering political beliefs.

    Does the applicant have the right to enter and reside in a third country?

    131.   There is no information before the Tribunal to indicate that the applicant has not availed himself of the right to enter and reside in a third country (s 36(3) of the Act).

    Findings on well-founded fear of persecution

    132.   The Tribunal is satisfied that the applicant has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of his nationality and/or political opinion.

    133. The Tribunal is satisfied therefore that he meets s36(2)(a) of the Act.

    The applicant’s criminal history

    134.   The applicant’s criminal history is not relevant to the findings as to whether he meets the refugee criteria. However, the Tribunal notes that there may be considerations pursuant to s 36(1C) of the Act. These determinations fall outside the Tribunal’s powers of review. For the record, evidence about the applicant’s criminal history and actions while in detention are set out below.

    135.   The Tribunal notes that the applicant’s criminal history runs from 6 March 2006 until 5 May 2014.[143] His offending commenced two years after arrival in the country and involved the commission of 43 offences, primarily related to driving under the influence of alcohol and other driving offences, and some property offences as well as assaulting or obstructing a police officer.

    [143] Decision of the AAT General Division, 201/4209 7 August 2020

    136.   The Tribunal notes that the applicant has been in immigration detention since 2015 and has expressed remorse for his actions, saying that he would never do anything criminal again. He has taken a number of courses in detention to improve his attitude and behaviour and was awarded a Certificate of Appreciation from Australian Border Force as a person who had demonstrated positive behaviours.

    137.   Character references were provided by family members. In a statement to the Tribunal on 20 September 2022 the applicant’s mother said that her son was amazing and loving and helps family, friends and strangers. One of the applicant’s sisters said that she knows that her brother has disappointed the community that welcomed him and has made mistakes, but believes he has had a chance to reflect on his situation, and needs another opportunity to contribute to the Australian community. His other sister said that they were grateful that the applicant was given a chance in Australia and would like a chance for him to start anew. She said that he has had over seven years of reflection about what he did to himself and the community that welcomed him. She fully believes that if given a chance he would redeem himself and contribute to the community. She said that he cannot demonstrate what he has learnt in detention while behind bars. His mother said that she would like him to stay in Australia and prove to the community that he is capable of being a good person. The applicant also expressed remorse and the desire to contribute to the Australian community.

    CONCLUDING PARAGRAPH

    138. For the reasons given above, the Tribunal is satisfied that the applicant is a person in respect of whom Australia has protection obligations under s 36(2)(a).

    decision

    139. The Tribunal remits the matter for reconsideration with the direction that the applicant satisfies s 36(2)(a) of the Migration Act.

    Jane Marquard
    Member


    Attachment A  -  Extract from Migration Act 1958

    5 (1) Interpretation

    cruel or inhuman treatment or punishment means an act or omission by which:

    (a)     severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person; or

    (b)     pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person so long as, in all the circumstances, the act or omission could reasonably be regarded as cruel or inhuman in nature;

    but does not include an act or omission:

    (c)     that is not inconsistent with Article 7 of the Covenant; or

    (d)     arising only from, inherent in or incidental to, lawful sanctions that are not inconsistent with the Articles of the Covenant.

    degrading treatment or punishment means an act or omission that causes, and is intended to cause, extreme humiliation which is unreasonable, but does not include an act or omission:

    (a)     that is not inconsistent with Article 7 of the Covenant; or

    (b)     that causes, and is intended to cause, extreme humiliation arising only from, inherent in or incidental to, lawful sanctions that are not inconsistent with the Articles of the Covenant.

    torture means an act or omission by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person:

    (a)     for the purpose of obtaining from the person or from a third person information or a confession; or

    (b)     for the purpose of punishing the person for an act which that person or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed; or

    (c)     for the purpose of intimidating or coercing the person or a third person; or

    (d)     for a purpose related to a purpose mentioned in paragraph (a), (b) or (c); or

    (e)     for any reason based on discrimination that is inconsistent with the Articles of the Covenant;

    but does not include an act or omission arising only from, inherent in or incidental to, lawful sanctions that are not inconsistent with the Articles of the Covenant.

    receiving country,  in relation to a non-citizen, means:

    (a)     a country of which the non-citizen is a national, to be determined solely by reference to the law of the relevant country; or

    (b)     if the non-citizen has no country of nationality—a country of his or her former habitual residence, regardless of whether it would be possible to return the non-citizen to the country.

    5H    Meaning of refugee

    (1)For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a particular person in Australia, the person is a refugee if the person is:

    (a)     in a case where the person has a nationality – is outside the country of his or her nationality and, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, is unable or unwilling to avail himself or herself of the protection of that country; or

    (b)     in a case where the person does not have a nationality – is outside the country of his or her former habitual residence and owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, is unable or unwilling to return to it.

    Note:     For the meaning of well-founded fear of persecution, see section 5J.

    5J     Meaning of well-founded fear of persecution

    (1)For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a particular person, the person has a well-founded fear of persecution if:

    (a)     the person fears being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion; and

    (b)     there is a real chance that, if the person returned to the receiving country, the person would be persecuted for one or more of the reasons mentioned in paragraph (a); and

    (c)     the real chance of persecution relates to all areas of a receiving country.

    Note:     For membership of a particular social group, see sections 5K and 5L.

    (2)A person does not have a well-founded fear of persecution if effective protection measures are available to the person in a receiving country.

    Note:     For effective protection measures, see section 5LA.

    (3)A person does not have a well-founded fear of persecution if the person could take reasonable steps to modify his or her behaviour so as to avoid a real chance of persecution in a receiving country, other than a modification that would:

    (a)     conflict with a characteristic that is fundamental to the person’s identity or conscience; or

    (b)     conceal an innate or immutable characteristic of the person; or

    (c)     without limiting paragraph (a) or (b), require the person to do any of the following:

    (i)alter his or her religious beliefs, including by renouncing a religious conversion, or conceal his or her true religious beliefs, or cease to be involved in the practice of his or her faith;

    (ii)conceal his or her true race, ethnicity, nationality or country of origin;

    (iii)alter his or her political beliefs or conceal his or her true political beliefs;

    (iv)conceal a physical, psychological or intellectual disability;

    (v)enter into or remain in a marriage to which that person is opposed, or accept the forced marriage of a child;

    (vi)alter his or her sexual orientation or gender identity or conceal his or her true sexual orientation, gender identity or intersex status.

    (4)If a person fears persecution for one or more of the reasons mentioned in paragraph (1)(a):

    (a)     that reason must be the essential and significant reason, or those reasons must be the essential and significant reasons, for the persecution; and

    (b)     the persecution must involve serious harm to the person; and

    (c)     the persecution must involve systematic and discriminatory conduct.

    (5)Without limiting what is serious harm for the purposes of paragraph (4)(b), the following are instances of serious harm for the purposes of that paragraph:

    (a)     a threat to the person’s life or liberty;

    (b)     significant physical harassment of the person;

    (c)     significant physical ill‑treatment of the person;

    (d)     significant economic hardship that threatens the person’s capacity to subsist;

    (e)     denial of access to basic services, where the denial threatens the person’s capacity to subsist;

    (f)     denial of capacity to earn a livelihood of any kind, where the denial threatens the person’s capacity to subsist.

    (6)In determining whether the person has a well‑founded fear of persecution for one or more of the reasons mentioned in paragraph (1)(a), any conduct engaged in by the person in Australia is to be disregarded unless the person satisfies the Minister that the person engaged in the conduct otherwise than for the purpose of strengthening the person’s claim to be a refugee.

    5K    Membership of a particular social group consisting of family

    For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a particular person (the first person), in determining whether the first person has a well‑founded fear of persecution for the reason of membership of a particular social group that consists of the first person’s family:

    (a)     disregard any fear of persecution, or any persecution, that any other member or former member (whether alive or dead) of the family has ever experienced, where the reason for the fear or persecution is not a reason mentioned in paragraph 5J(1)(a); and

    (b)     disregard any fear of persecution, or any persecution, that:

    (i)the first person has ever experienced; or

    (ii)any other member or former member (whether alive or dead) of the family has ever experienced;

    where it is reasonable to conclude that the fear or persecution would not exist if it were assumed that the fear or persecution mentioned in paragraph (a) had never existed.

    Note:     Section 5G may be relevant for determining family relationships for the purposes of this section.

    5L    Membership of a particular social group other than family

    For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a particular person, the person is to be treated as a member of a particular social group (other than the person’s family) if:

    (a)     a characteristic is shared by each member of the group; and

    (b)     the person shares, or is perceived as sharing, the characteristic; and

    (c)     any of the following apply:

    (i)the characteristic is an innate or immutable characteristic;

    (ii)the characteristic is so fundamental to a member’s identity or conscience, the member should not be forced to renounce it;

    (iii)the characteristic distinguishes the group from society; and

    (d)     the characteristic is not a fear of persecution.

    5LA Effective protection measures

    (1)For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a particular person, effective protection measures are available to the person in a receiving country if:

    (a)     protection against persecution could be provided to the person by:

    (i)the relevant State; or

    (ii)a party or organisation, including an international organisation, that controls the relevant State or a substantial part of the territory of the relevant State; and

    (b)     the relevant State, party or organisation mentioned in paragraph (a) is willing and able to offer such protection.

    (2)A relevant State, party or organisation mentioned in paragraph (1)(a) is taken to be able to offer protection against persecution to a person if:

    (a)     the person can access the protection; and

    (b)     the protection is durable; and

    (c)     in the case of protection provided by the relevant State—the protection consists of an appropriate criminal law, a reasonably effective police force and an impartial judicial system.

    36     Protection visas – criteria provided for by this Act

    (2)A criterion for a protection visa is that the applicant for the visa is:

    (a)     a non-citizen in Australia in respect of whom the Minister is satisfied Australia has protection obligations because the person is a refugee; or

    (aa)  a non-citizen in Australia (other than a non-citizen mentioned in paragraph (a)) in respect of whom the Minister is satisfied Australia has protection obligations because the Minister has substantial grounds for believing that, as a necessary and foreseeable consequence of the non-citizen being removed from Australia to a receiving country, there is a real risk that the non-citizen will suffer significant harm; or

    (b)     a non-citizen in Australia who is a member of the same family unit as a non-citizen who:

    (i)is mentioned in paragraph (a); and

    (ii)holds a protection visa of the same class as that applied for by the applicant; or

    (c)     a non-citizen in Australia who is a member of the same family unit as a non-citizen who:

    (i)is mentioned in paragraph (aa); and

    (ii)holds a protection visa of the same class as that applied for by the applicant.

    (2A)A non‑citizen will suffer significant harm if:

    (a)     the non‑citizen will be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life; or

    (b)     the death penalty will be carried out on the non‑citizen; or

    (c)     the non‑citizen will be subjected to torture; or

    (d)     the non‑citizen will be subjected to cruel or inhuman treatment or punishment; or

    (e)     the non‑citizen will be subjected to degrading treatment or punishment.

    (2B)However, there is taken not to be a real risk that a non‑citizen will suffer significant harm in a country if the Minister is satisfied that:

    (a)     it would be reasonable for the non‑citizen to relocate to an area of the country where there would not be a real risk that the non‑citizen will suffer significant harm; or

    (b)     the non‑citizen could obtain, from an authority of the country, protection such that there would not be a real risk that the non‑citizen will suffer significant harm; or

    (c)     the real risk is one faced by the population of the country generally and is not faced by the non‑citizen personally.


    and Stateless Persons (Belgium), 'SUDAN: The situation of Darfuris and Nuba outside their regions of origin', 28 June 2021, p.22.


    on punishment for refusing or evading military service, including upon return to Sudan after an extended absence', 05 October 2016.


    on punishment for refusing or evading military service, including upon return to Sudan after an extended absence', 05 October 2016.

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